New Report Surveys US Efforts to Assist Companies Overseas

Money_globeAmerican commercial diplomacy programs must adapt quickly to today’s global marketplace, characterized by global value chains, integrated production networks and strong competitive pressures for ever-greater efficiency. “Support for American Jobs,” a new report from the American Academy of Diplomacy co-authored by Academy members Shaun Donnelly, USCIB’s vice president for investment and financial services, and Chuck Ford a retired director general of the Foreign Commercial Service and former U.S. Ambassador to Honduras. The report provides recommendations to the U.S. Departments of State and Commerce to inform the development and execution of government programs that help U.S. companies do business abroad.

“The international consensus on the accepted ‘rules of the game’ has broken down, with the emergence of alternative approaches that have yet to fully mature into next-generation rules to guide world trade and investment,” the authors write in the report’s executive summary. “Intellectual property rights, copyrights, trademarks, designs, and trade secrets will be crucial to maintaining America’s competitive edge, yet they will only work if our economy has skilled workers and creative entrepreneurs who are supported by the right policy environments.”

The report notes that global value chains are core contributors to business success internationally and job creation domestically, and that U.S. commercial diplomacy programs that support America’s competitive position must become a central tenet of U.S. foreign policy. To that end, the report provides six recommendations for government action:

  • Develop, as rapidly as possible, a new policy framework to guide the design of a next-generation commercial diplomacy program to advance US national interests in the ever-more-challenging global economy.
  • Review existing commercial diplomacy programs to identify programmatic and personnel capacity gaps and to present solutions so that ambassadors and their teams will be fully equipped to advance our national interest.
  • Set up a private sector consultative mechanism to ensure systemic oversight of commercial diplomacy programs in cooperation with the private sector.
  • Assess new collaborative programs and partnerships with private enterprises to advance national economic and commercial interests across the global marketplace.
  • Create a formal cooperative mechanism to oversee human resources talent-management systems for economic and commercial officers and local employees so as to enhance successful outcomes in recruiting, retaining, and developing the strongest possible team to execute commercial diplomacy programs across the foreign affairs platform.
  • Build a formal mechanism to coordinate economic/commercial training and education programs, with a particular focus on creating new partnerships with private partners to meet the priority business requirement of short customized courses on cutting-edge issues, many of which are vastly complex in the emerging technology sector.

Donnelly contributed to the report’s section on U.S. business views on global value chains and foreign investment, noting the frustration from the business community that arises from a sense that the U.S. government does not understand the importance of global value chains and foreign direct investment for doing business in the 21st century.

“Business representatives perceive that key aspects of US trade and investment policy are based on a simplistic mercantilist view that exports are good but imports are bad; that inward investment/FDI is good but outward investment is bad,” the report states. “Many business representatives would welcome a serious, substantive review by the government on US global investment policy, both inward and outward, in today’s and tomorrow’s globalized economy.”

Before joining USCIB, Donnelly had a 36-year career in the State Department’s Foreign Service, concentrating on international economic policy.  He served as principal deputy assistant secretary of state for economic and business affairs from 2000 to 2005 when he moved to the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) at the White House as assistant USTR in charge of Europe and the Middle East. Earlier he had served as U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Maldives. At various times he was also deputy assistant secretary of state in charge of international trade policy, international energy policy, and economic sanctions.

The report’s findings were drawn from interviews with more than 50 corporate executives, including USCIB members, and senior executives at the Departments of State and Commerce.

Download “Support for American Jobs: Requirements for Next-Generation Commercial Diplomacy Programs”

Business Urges Policymakers to Avoid Trade-Distorting Data Privacy Measures

dataflows

Paris and New York, March 22, 2016 – Some 10.2 billion new connected devices are expected to come online over the next five years – nearly double the number in existence today. Many of these devices will transmit user data for processing across borders. But a proliferation of forced localization measures and other government policies to restrict cross-border data transfers threaten to choke off essential cross-border electronic commerce.

Businesses from across the developed world are urging policymakers to avoid imposing rules on data privacy and security that distort global trade. In a new paper, BIAC, the Business and Industry Advisory Committee to the OECD, points to the crucial role of cross-border data flows for the recovery and future of the global economy, and calls on the OECD and governments to develop policies and regulatory frameworks that address concerns for security and privacy in the least trade-distorting way.

“Governments must avoid restricting trade through data localization measures”, said Clifford Sosnow, chair of the BIAC Trade Committee and partner with the Canadian law firm Fasken Martineau LLP. “Considering the importance of this issue for competitive markets, this paper offers recommendations to address the impact of data localization and at the same time deal with privacy and security concerns.”

The BIAC paper had significant input from the U.S. private sector via BIAC’s American affiliate, the United States Council for International Business. The paper estimates that, if fully enacted, government forced localization measures currently in place, or under consideration, could reduce global trade by $93 billion annually.

BIAC recognizes the OECD’s unique capacity to gather and develop evidence on trade restrictive measures on data flows, and accordingly requests the OECD to:

  • highlight to governments the impact of data localization on trade and investment
  • raise awareness among all industries on the importance of data flows for business operations and participation in global trade
  • promote policies that enable open flow of data, to support the rapidly growing number of business models that rely on data flows.

BIAC will work with the OECD to promote best practices in the field of cross-border data flows and encourage governments to refrain from measures that compromise the benefits of open markets and investment for growth.

Read the BIAC policy paper.

Defending Investor Protections in Trade Agreements

Shaun Donnelly
Shaun Donnelly

Investment protections such as the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism have become the most contentious aspect of many ongoing trade deals, including the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). Shaun Donnelly, USCIB vice president for investment and financial services, traveled around Europe this week defending strong investment policies in U.S. trade agreements.

On March 14, Business and Industry Advisory Committee (BIAC) to the OECD Investment Committee Chair Winand Quaedvlieg and Donnelly led business panelists in an all-day OECD conference on “Investment Treaties: the Quest for Balance.” NGO, labor and academic speakers pressed for radical changes and reduced protections ‎in investment agreements. Donnelly’s panel focused on possible changes in the ISDS regime, including the EU’s proposed investment court and appellate body system.

“I argued the U.S. model BIT already offers a balanced investment regime and that many so-called reforms were simply political attacks on investor rights and protections,” Donnelly said. “I, along with other speakers and participants, was skeptical of the EU’s ‎proposals to abandon the ISDS arbitration system.”

USTR’s lead investment negotiator for TTIP, Jai Motwane, was a co-panelist with very similar positions. Senior State Department Investment policy makers Lisa Kubiske and Michael Tracton spoke on other panels.

Donnelly attended other consultations throughout the week in Paris, both formal and informal, on investment issues with OECD Investment Committee members, senior OECD staff, and country delegations. He participated in the OECD’s special ministerial meeting on Anti-Bribery on March 16 with Klaus Moosmayer from Siemens, Chair of the BIAC Task Force on Anti-Bribery and Corruption. U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch led the U.S. Delegation to the special ministerial meeting.

Donnelly wrapped up in The Hague‎ on Friday, representing USCIB at the International Chamber of Commerce’s Trade and Investment Commission, chaired by USCIB member Jim Bacchus (Greenburg Traurig). USCIB has contributed to major ICC policy papers on investment and cross-border data flows that were discussed at the meeting.

Read BIAC’s media release: Curbing Bribery and Providing a Level Playing Field for International Business

Trump’s Apple Rant Raises ‘Forced Localization’ Fears

Via Politico Pro

Trade experts and economists have criticized Republican presidential front-runner Donald Trump’s proposals to force Apple and other U.S. companies to bring manufacturing jobs back from China, saying that such a move would raise costs for consumers, force companies to reorganize their supply chains and harm prospects for trade liberalization.

USCIB Senior Vice President for Policy and Government Affairs Rob Mulligan spoke with Politico about how Trump’s plans are similar to the forced localization policies that many countries adopted after the financial crisis, with negative effects on global trade:

Trump’s proposal also smacks of “forced localization” policies that the United States is currently fighting around the world, where governments use the power of public procurement to require goods to be made domestically to qualify for contracts, said Rob Mulligan, a senior vice president at the U.S. Council for International Business.

If all countries started requiring their companies to bring manufacturing jobs back home, “it’s going to raise the cost for everybody,” Mulligan said.

Read the full Politico Pro article. (Paywall)

No Sustainable Development Without Investment

Globe with Money UnderneathEarlier this month, the OECD hosted a day-long workshop in Paris entitled “Making Investment Work for the Sustainable Development Goals,” on the implementation of the Policy Framework for Investment (PFI).  The OECD published a 2015 revision of this document, which was originally drafted in 2006, in response to a call for the importance of investment in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The many business and government voices on the various panels of the PFI workshop included comments by Ambassador Lisa Kubiske, U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Finance and Development, who spoke on coping with the challenges of implementation through partnerships, including collaboration between private and government actors, which is vital for the successful implementation of the PFI.

Representing U.S. business at the session as part of the Business and Industry Advisory Committee (BIAC) to the OECD, I spoke on the importance of retaining a focus on core investment issues.  USCIB agrees that investment is essential to realize the SDGs.  Indeed domestic and international investment are vital for global economic growth and development. Investment, however, must be seen as more than the mere means to the end of the SDGs.  To be able to fulfill its role as the creator of economic growth and development, we cannot forget what is required in order for investment to flourish.

Read the full blog post at Investment Policy Central.

OECD Ministerial Meeting on Digital Economy: Innovation, Growth and Social Prosperity

Ministers and stakeholders will meet for the OECD Ministerial Meeting on the Digital Economy: Innovation, Growth and Social Prosperity, to move the digital agenda forward in four key policy areas foundational to the growth of the digital economy: Internet openness and innovation, building global connectivity, trust in the digital economy, and jobs and skills in the digital economy. The 2016 Ministerial meeting will build on previous OECD Ministerial meetings on the digital economy – the 1998 OECD Ministerial Conference on Electronic Commerce in Ottawa and the 2008 Ministerial Meeting on the Future of the Internet Economy in Seoul.

OECD Forum

Held in Paris every year to coincide with the OECD Ministerial Council Meeting, the OECD Forum has emerged as a major international conference. Leaders and influencers from all sectors of civil society—former and current heads of state and government, CEOs, leaders of key NGOs and trade unions and prominent members of academia and media—gather to debate the most pressing social and economic challenges confronting society.

Let’s Get Realistic About a Multilateral Investment Agreement

Originally published on the OECD Insights website.

UN_Vienna_flagsShaun Donnelly, retired U.S. diplomat and trade negotiator, now Vice President for Investment Policy at the U.S. Council for International Business (USCIB).  He is a regular participant in the Business and Industry Advisory Committee to the OECD (BIAC) and  OECD Investment work.

I found some very interesting questions and even a few answers in the recent “OECD Insights” blog post on international investment agreements by Professor Jan Wouters from the University of Leuven.  But it seems to me that Professor Wouters’ prescriptions may fit better in a university classroom or a theoretical computer model than in real world of government-to-government diplomatic investment negotiations or in a corporate headquarters making real-world cross-border investment decisions.  As a former U.S. Government trade and investment negotiator and now in the private sector advising/assisting member companies of the U.S. Council for International Business (USCIB), as well as an active participant over the past three years in the investment policy work the OECD and its Business and Industry Advisory Committee (BIAC), I’d like to offer an alternative perspective on some of the international investment issues the professor addresses.

I’m tempted to challenge several of the assumptions that seem to underlie Dr. Wouters’ analysis and prescriptions.  His assertion that multilateralism is an inherently superior venue for all investment issues seems a little naïve to me as a practitioner.  Everyone accepts the theoretical point that in a textbook or the laboratory, multilateral can be the optimal approach – one set of comprehensive, high-standard rules applying to all countries and, by extension, to all investors – a WTO for investment if you will.

The reality is that diplomatic negotiations, investment projects, and job creation take place in the real world, driven by real people representing concrete, real-world interests.  In that real world, governments have a wide range of views on what should or shouldn’t be in an investment agreement. How strong are the protections accorded to investors? Does the agreement include (as U.S. government investment agreements typically do) market opening or “pre-establishment” provisions? Do investors have access to a credible, neutral arbitration process to resolve disputes with host governments?  These are key issues for any government or investor.

Unfortunately, not all players in the investment policy world would share all my views, or those of Dr. Wouters.  Governments vary widely on their policy and political approaches to international investment and, more specifically, to international investment agreements.  Many have views generally in line with those of the U.S. government, sharing a commitment to high-standard international investment agreements.  But some other governments only seem willing to accept much lower standards of investment protection; still other governments are hostile to any international investment agreements.

Some OECD veterans like me recall that some 20 years ago, the then-25 OECD members made a serious attempt to negotiate a Multilateral Agreement on Investment or “MAI.”  Unfortunately, after some early promise, the negotiations broke down over some of the key pillar issues I noted above.  Neither the OECD nor any of its member governments have attempted to revive the search for the elusive multilateral investment agreement framework.  Most OECD member nations seem, explicitly or implicitly, to have accepted the reality that, while multilateralism may be the optimal path, in the investment policy area, it is not, at least for now, a practical way forward.

The lesson I personally draw is clear, and it’s quite different from the approach advocated by Dr. Wouters.  Those Governments around the world that think foreign direct investment is a positive force for economic growth, are trying to make practical progress, not simply engage in endless and frustrating political debates.  They want to negotiate investment agreements that can attract real investment and, thereby, create real economic growth and jobs.  While some of them may see intellectual debates about a theoretical multilateral investment regime at some point in the future as an interesting exercise, their priority is on finding ways to grow their economies today and tomorrow.

So my questions to Dr. Wouters and other advocates of a focus on multilateralism in international investment regimes would include:

  • What kind of investment regime do you really envision?  How strong an agreement would it be?  Would it include the sorts of high-standard protections for investors currently found in recent investment agreements of OECD member countries?
  • What causes you to think there is realistic chance for success in a multilateral investment negotiation?  “Multilateral” now requires nearly 200 sovereign nations reaching a consensus.  Countries ranging from Cuba and Argentina to Japan and Canada; from India and China to the U.S. and the EU; from Russia and Venezuela to Saudi Arabia and Singapore would have to be major players in any multilateral investment effort. What sort of consensus could emerge from that wide-ranging group?
  • When the then 25 “like-minded” OECD member nations couldn’t negotiate an MAI, what causes you to think 200 diverse and widely diverging nations could come together now to negotiate a multilateral investment agreement or framework?

I’d love to be proven wrong, by Dr. Wouters or anyone else, if they can show me a credible path to that elusive high-standard multilateral agreement.  But until someone can show me how to get that done, I believe strongly the better path in the real world is to keep doing what individual governments and groups of countries have been doing for some time, to find willing partners and negotiate strong bilateral or regional investment agreements that work in the real world.  Here in the U.S., we in the business community are excited about the possibility of two “mega-regional” agreements, the recently-concluded Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the on-going Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) as vehicles to update and strengthen investment protections with key partners.

When it comes to investment protection/promotion agreements, let’s focus all of our efforts on paths that we know can work – negotiating high-standard investment agreements.  If/when someone can find that elusive path to a high-standard multilateral agreement, great! I’ll be at the front of the line applauding. But until that path really emerges, let’s stay focused on what works – the bilateral and regional path that has proven it can deliver real results, real investment, growth, and jobs and leave the multilateral investment framework to the theoreticians.

The OECD, specifically its Investment Committee, has long been a place for serious investment policy research, analysis and debate. I’ve been privileged recently to participate in some of those sessions as a business stakeholder as a BIAC representative. I encourage OECD to continue, indeed redouble, that policy work. There are important and challenging issues to address. We in the international business community, along with other stakeholders, can add much to that OECD work.   I simply urge that the OECD investment work focus on concrete investment “deliverables” which can be implemented, rather than idealistic pursuits of some theoretical multilateral panacea.

Useful links

OECD Conference on investment treaties: The quest for balance between investor protection and governments’ right to regulate OECD, Paris, 14 March, 2016. This second OECD Investment Treaty conference will explore: How governments are balancing investor protection and the right to regulate; the search for improved balance through new institutions or improved rules for dispute settlement including the new Investment Court System developed by the European Union; a case study on addressing the balance through substantive law in particular through approaches to the fair and equitable treatment (FET) provision; and how the OECD, working with other international organisations, can support constructive improvement of governments’ investment treaty policies in this regard.

BIAC’s strategic recommendations on investment

Reconciling Regionalism and Multilateralism in a Post-Bali World, OECD Global Forum on TradeParis, 11 February 2014, Rapporteur’s report

 

BIAC: International Investment Agreements Matter

Globe with Money UnderneathInternational Investment Agreements, as well as investment chapters included in free trade agreements, are a key component of a pro-growth policy environment. Regional trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership are a priority on the global trade and investment agenda and have increasingly attracted public attention. It is therefore more important than ever to remind policymakers and the public why international investment agreements matter, and how they contribute to economic prosperity worldwide. It is in this context that the Business and Industry Advisory Committee (BIAC) to the OECD is currently preparing a paper on why international investment agreements matter.

The BIAC paper will provide input to the upcoming OECD conference on International Investment Treaties, which will be held in Paris on March 14. The conference will focus on the balance between investor protection and governments’ right to regulate. Active business input to these discussions will be important.